Public comment on proposed ‘Pathway to Prosperity’ Section 1115 Medicaid waiver amendment

FROM: Opportunity Arkansas Foundation

TO: Office of Policy & Rules, Arkansas Department of Human Services

March 2025

Opportunity Arkansas wholeheartedly agrees with Governor Sarah Sanders that Medicaid should “serve as a safety net rather than a poverty trap” and that a work requirement for able-bodied adults on the program is an essential part of making this vision a reality.¹ Unfortunately, as proposed, the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project “Pathway to Prosperity” waiver amendment prepared by the Arkansas Department of Human Services (DHS) would not accomplish these objectives, nor would it help put Arkansas’s Medicaid program on a more sustainable path.

As it is currently written, the waiver amendment is insufficient for seven key reasons.

Specifically, the amendment:

  • Misrepresents the success of Arkansas’s previous, historic Medicaid work requirement;
  • Does not contain a real work requirement;
  • Contains virtually no sanctions associated with noncompliance;
  • Does not achieve meaningful cost savings;
  • Lacks other essential cost containment reforms, such as time limits, an enrollment cap, or an enrollment freeze;
  • Relies on a vulnerable legal framework; and
  • Requires the continued use of Arkansas’s failed “private option” approach to Obamacare Medicaid expansion.

In other words, not only does DHS’s proposed waiver not include additional commonsense reforms that are desperately needed, it also does not include the one reform that it claims to: an actual work requirement for able-bodied adults.

At a minimum, DHS should modify its proposal to include a real work requirement with required minimum hours of work activity—with substantive sanctions for noncompliance—in a legally sound manner. 

Ideally, this waiver would also contain other cost savings reforms and transition away from Arkansas’s “private option” approach to Obamacare Medicaid expansion.

1. The proposed waiver amendment misrepresents the success of Arkansas’s previous, historic Medicaid work requirement.

Arkansas was the first state in American history to implement a work requirement for able-bodied adults on Medicaid, leading to massive taxpayer savings, increases in work participation, and significant reductions in government dependency. DHS’s waiver amendment not only ignores this important history but also attempts to rewrite it.

Ideally, this waiver would also contain other cost savings reforms and transition away from Arkansas’s “private option” approach to Obamacare Medicaid expansion.

As justification for why this new waiver amendment is needed, DHS significantly downplays and misrepresents the earlier successes of the 2018–2019 Medicaid work requirement in Arkansas, known as “Arkansas Works.” This seems to be an implicit acknowledgment that the current waiver amendment is not a real work requirement, as DHS devotes many pages to explaining the distinctions between the two, expressing numerous negative takeaways from the 2018 waiver.

Without providing a source or citation, DHS asserts: 

“Assessments of Arkansas Works showed that many people did not know whether they were subject to participation requirements and, if they were, what they needed to do monthly to demonstrate compliance.”²

This claim does not reflect reality. In fact, in 2018 alone, DHS sent out more than one million individual communications to enrollees regarding the work requirement, including:
  • 592,102 letters;
  • 311,934 emails;
  • 230,307 phone calls;
  • 38,766 text messages; and
  • 918 social media posts.³

Enrollees who received any of these communications could easily demonstrate compliance through a wide array of reporting options, including using the Internet, in-person assistance at their local DHS office, a special hotline, and other third parties.⁴ As a result, in the first full month of implementation, only 13 percent of removals among those subject to the work requirement saw their cases closed due to “non-compliance.”⁵ Most left because they saw their incomes rise as they transitioned from welfare to work.⁶

It is inaccurate for DHS to suggest that Arkansas Works failed to communicate work requirements or provide reporting options to relevant Medicaid enrollees, as is the unspoken implication that a real work requirement would be unsuccessful should it be tried again.

It is also inaccurate to suggest that Arkansas Works was a failure. Indeed, nearly 14,000 enrollees left the program because their incomes rose.⁷ Further, only 10 percent of those removed from the program returned, clearly indicating that the work requirement helped these individuals get back into the workforce and leave dependency.

The Arkansas Department of Workforce Services also published personal stories of Arkansans who directly benefited from work requirements and attributed their personal flourishing specifically to the nudge they received from the policy.⁹ Time and time again, individuals who were subject to the work requirement visited their local workforce center, either found employment or began attending classes, and ended up finding stable jobs where they earned significantly more than minimum wage.

As part of its evaluation of Arkansas Works, DHS regrettably cites the far-left Urban Institute’s hit piece on Arkansas’s Medicaid work requirement.¹⁰ Notably, the Urban Institute has been ranked among the most liberal think tanks in the nation (scoring as slightly more liberal than People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, or PETA).¹¹ In fact, Urban Institute employees’ campaign contributions from 1990-2024 were allocated to the Democrat Party 99 percent of the time.¹² Unfortunately, the Urban Institute is cited more than once throughout the waiver.¹³

These assumptions are all foundational arguments presented by DHS in an attempt to make the case for its newest waiver amendment. Unfortunately, these claims are inaccurate.

2. The proposed waiver amendment contains no real work requirement.

The proposal recommends $43 million in new spending on administrative functions, including “success coaches” who will help enrollees with Personal Development Plans (PDPs). The amendment gives very little detail as to what these PDPs will contain or what will qualify as work activities. But perhaps that is for good reason since participation with these coaches is entirely optional.

Notably absent from the work requirement waiver is a minimum quantity of hours that must be dedicated to any of these activities in order to remain compliant.¹⁴

In fact, the waiver explicitly states, “Beneficiaries will not be required to work a minimum number of hours per month.”¹⁵

In other words, this alleged work requirement waiver contains no minimum requirement to work. Only through subjective evaluations by Success Coaches can an individual be deemed to be complying with the provisions of the waiver.

Of the 22 work requirement waivers submitted to CMS during the first Trump administration, all but one specified a minimum number of hours of work (or work-related) activity that enrollees must meet in order to maintain eligibility for the program.¹⁶

In the single case where a minimum number of hours was not specified in the waiver (Utah), the state required able-bodied Medicaid enrollees who were not working at least 30 hours per week to register for work through the state’s system, complete an evaluation of employment training needs, complete various job training modules, and apply for employment with at least one employer per week.¹⁷ In addition, the waiver request also included an enrollment cap, a per capita cap, and other cost savings provisions.¹⁸

As a result, if Arkansas moved forward with its work requirement waiver request, it would stand alone as the only work requirement waiver ever submitted to not actually require a minimum quantity of work or work-related activities.

Arkansas should follow the widely accepted standard that requires individuals participate in 80 hours per month (20 hours per week) of work, training, or volunteering in order to receive taxpayer-funded Medicaid benefits.

This would mirror the existing food stamp work requirement for able-bodied adults without dependents (ABAWDs), easing implementation and reducing confusion for Arkansans who have also been a part of that program.

3. The proposed waiver amendment includes no real sanctions for noncompliance.

According to the plain language of the waiver amendment, individuals who are noncompliant with their PDPs will “have their ARHOME coverage – QHP benefits – suspended through the end of the calendar year.”¹⁹ This presents several issues. 

First, the qualification that “QHP benefits”—referring to the Qualified Health Plan (QHP) coverage that Medicaid expansion enrollees receive in Arkansas—will be suspended seemingly suggests that these enrollees may be moved into another Medicaid delivery mechanism, such as fee for service (FFS), for the duration of the suspension period. This possibility is further underscored by the statement by DHS that noncompliant enrollees “will not be disenrolled from the Medicaid program.”²⁰ Similar verbiage is used throughout the waiver. It is our view that DHS does not intend to remove individuals from Medicaid for non-cooperation with “success coaches.”

However, the abbreviated public notice issued by DHS seems to contradict this, suggesting that not only will QHP coverage be suspended but that “Medicaid eligibility” will itself be suspended.²¹ This presents an apparent contradiction between the waiver request (which only references QHP benefits as being suspended) and the public notice (which references Medicaid eligibility as being suspended altogether).

As a result, the penalty for noncompliance is opaque at best. It should be clearly stated that individuals will be disenrolled from the Medicaid program if they are noncompliant, yet the waiver repeatedly states the opposite.

The second issue relates to moving from noncompliance to compliance. According to the waiver amendment:

“To become ‘active’ again and have full benefits restored, they need only notify DHS of their intention to cooperate with personal development plan requirements.”²²

The use of the word “full” again suggests that enrollees will not lose Medicaid coverage entirely but will instead simply have their private insurance coverage temporarily paused. 

Additionally, DHS’s proposed sanctions are wholly insufficient to address noncompliance. All an individual must do to correct course is to communicate their “intention” to cooperate but never actually follow through on such cooperation. In other words, an “intention” to cooperate means very little and should not be considered proof of compliance with the waiver’s provisions. 

DHS should make participation with a real work requirement—with a minimum quantity of hours associated with qualifying work-related activities—the proof of compliance. Unfortunately, the vague and subjective structure of individualized PDPs does not lend itself to that approach.

The third and final issue with sanctions for noncompliance relates to the timeline. As DHS stated, individuals will be suspended “through the end of the calendar year” if they decline to abide by the provisions of the waiver “for three months” or more.²³ The logical conclusion is that, if an individual comes into noncompliance and is suspended in October of a given year, that suspension is no longer valid in January of the next year since the “calendar year” reset in the interim of the three-month grace period.

This would allow an able-bodied adult enrollee to stop complying with their “personal development plans” in October, November, and December and then earn a reset in January. If they chose, they could then continue in noncompliance in January, February, and March as well, for a total of six months. That leaves only six months out of a given year that an enrollee might be required to do anything at all, allowing them to game the system.

Ideally, DHS should simply disenroll the individual from the Medicaid program as they fall out of compliance and then permit them to re-enroll if they come back into compliance.

4. The proposed waiver amendment achieves no meaningful cost savings.

DHS projects a net total savings of $122.8 million over the first five years of the waiver period, or an average annual total savings of approximately $24.6 million.²⁴

In contrast, Arkansas spends approximately $7.6 billion on all Medicaid spending and $2.0 billion on Obamacare Medicaid expansion spending per year.²⁵ As a result, the annual savings projections equate to roughly 0.3 percent of all Medicaid spending and 1.2 percent of Medicaid expansion spending.²⁶

The Arkansas Works work requirement in the late 2010s was on track to save at least $300 million per year.²⁷ Comparatively speaking, $24.6 million is hardly a drop in the bucket.

The state’s share of these savings would be even more minuscule. Since the state share of Medicaid expansion is approximately 10 percent, the net state savings from the waiver would only be $2.5 million per year.

It is difficult to ascertain precisely why the savings assumptions are so low since the “actuarial statement at Attachment 1” of the waiver amendment is simply a blank page.²⁸

Nevertheless, it can only be assumed that the waiver’s minimal work requirements and limited sanctions are major contributing factors.

Moreover, the waiver request contains $42.8 million in new five-year costs associated with its implementation, which includes success coach expenses and infrastructure upgrades.²⁹ These additional costs eat into any potential savings.

Given the extremely weak sanctions that would allow enrollees to simply state their intention to comply with program rules in order to regain their private insurance coverage, it is also entirely possible that the proposed waiver amendment generates no savings at all, leaving taxpayers with increased costs on success coaches and more state bureaucracy.

For further perspective, based on disenrollments that have occurred in states with other work requirements, a real work requirement with real sanctions could be expected to generate a staggering $1.44 billion in total annual savings and $144 million in state annual savings—far above the figures projected in the current waiver request.³⁰

5. The proposed waiver amendment lacks other essential cost containment reforms.

Notably absent from the waiver request are other cost-savings proposals that would meaningfully reform Arkansas’ broken Obamacare Medicaid expansion program. These include, but are not limited to, an enrollment cap or freeze, a lifetime limit for enrollees, a rollback of retroactive eligibility, and more.

These reforms would substantially alter Arkansas’s Medicaid expansion program for the better by limiting government dependency, imposing realistic cost and enrollment controls, and achieving significant savings.³¹ Retroactive eligibility elimination was previously requested and approved by Arkansas as part of the Arkansas Works waiver.³² Inexplicably, DHS chose to not even request it this time.

6. The proposed waiver amendment relies on a vulnerable legal framework.

In 2019, a federal judge invalidated the Arkansas Works Medicaid work requirement on procedural grounds, arguing it did not advance the core objectives of the Medicaid program.³³ As stated in Gresham v. Azar, “…the Secretary’s failure to consider the effects of the project on coverage alone renders his decision arbitrary and capricious; it does not matter that HHS deemed the project to advance other objectives of the act.”³⁴ The D.C. Circuit affirmed Judge Boasberg’s decision in the district court, noting that the “principal objective” of Medicaid is “providing health care coverage.”³⁵

Encouragingly, DHS is cognizant of this legal framework. However, its attempts to rectify it are legally insufficient.

DHS’s overreliance on the recent Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo decision seems to imply that the abandoning of the Chevron deference might provide adequate cover to approve the waiver without addressing the core challenges of the Gresham decision. Indeed, as the Loper decision pertained to agency discretion, it is less relevant in instances where the underlying statute is clear, such as in this case.

More concerningly, DHS notes that, “The Amendment makes significant policy and procedural changes from the previous version to respond to the question of coverage.”³⁶ In other words, DHS has substantially watered down the work requirement from mandating a minimum number of hours towards work or work-related activities with substantial sanctions for noncompliance into a subjective evaluation of progress towards PDPs. 

However, this would not be sufficient to meet the Gresham precedent. In a sense, these watered down changes would give Arkansas the worst of both outcomes: a weaker work requirement but one that would still have an effect of marginally reducing coverage (assuming DHS does intend to remove anyone from the program at all) and thus be inconsistent with Gresham.

Additionally, DHS’s emphasis on work promoting health, while true, is not of substantial legal value as “alternative objectives” do not negate the waiver’s impact on the primary objective of promoting coverage, as alluded to in the D.C. Circuit case.³⁷

As a result, simply refiling a similar 1115 waiver—but with a weaker work requirement—will likely result in the same unfortunate legal outcome that occurred in 2019. So long as coverage expansion remains the primary objective of the Medicaid program and the waiver has an effect that could reduce coverage, these two principles will remain incompatible.

However, there is a legal pathway available to DHS to reconcile this matter and place the waiver request on more solid legal footing.

In 2021, Georgia achieved a legal victory over the Biden administration in implementing a work requirement that was coupled with a partial expansion of Medicaid coverage.³⁸ The reasoning behind the court’s decision in Georgia v. Lasure was that Georgia’s Medicaid work requirements were coupled with an expansion of coverage that otherwise did not exist in its state plan.³⁹ The baseline of coverage, so to speak, was zero—since the expansion population was not part of Georgia’s state Medicaid plan—so any conditions imposed by a waiver (such as a work requirement) on able-bodied adults still achieved the primary objective of the Medicaid program in expanding coverage through its waiver.⁴⁰

In other words, by allowing able-bodied adults to join Medicaid so long as they fulfilled the work requirement, Georgia was effectively advancing a core objective of Medicaid in the court’s eyes by extending health coverage to these compliant adults.

Suddenly, Georgia’s approach is then seen as an extension of coverage, not a reduction of coverage.

Arkansas could adopt a similar strategy: If the appropriate baseline was reset by DHS in removing the expansion population from its state plan and reintroducing it in a waiver, the waiver request would be viewed as offering coverage to individuals who would otherwise not qualify for Medicaid—even if that coverage were conditioned on a work requirement. 

Consistent with Georgia v. Lasure, DHS could amend the state plan to remove the expansion population and submit a revised waiver request to reassert coverage with a work requirement in tandem to avoid any disruption in coverage due to sequencing.

Concerningly, internal DHS communications argue that the “current inclusion of expansion populations in SPAs [State Plan Amendments] is for” the limited number of expansion enrollees in fee-for-service Medicaid (due to being designated as medically frail or awaiting QHP assignment).⁴¹ DHS here confuses the state plan benefit package with eligibility under the state plan. Contrary to DHS’s interpretation, the eligibility of the entire expansion population is included in the state’s Medicaid plan as an approved SPA.⁴²

DHS’s internal communications also argue that sequencing the removal of coverage from the state plan coupled with the reintroduction of coverage via a waiver could also “prevent coverage during an interim period…because it poses a gap in coverage.” Again, this is not accurate. There would be no gap in coverage at all if DHS sequenced the removal of the expansion population from the state plan to take effect immediately in concert with the effective date of the waiver, thereby preventing any disruption in coverage.

DHS argues that Arkansas’s case “differs from Georgia” because “Georgia expanded benefits through a waiver to people who were not already accessing them.”⁴³ This misinterprets the court’s decision to examine the waiver’s impact of expanding coverage relative to the baseline of coverage reflected in the state plan; not relative to whether or not people were accessing Medicaid services previously.

DHS also expresses internal concern about litigation being brought on to determine “whether once a state expands, can it go back.”⁴⁴ Not only does federal guidance dating back to the Obama administration clearly state that “if a state covers the expansion group, it may decide later to drop the coverage,” but this point is irrelevant since the proposal to remove expansion from the state plan and simultaneously reintroduce it via a waiver request would not “go back” on expansion.⁴⁵

Separately, some elements of DHS’s waiver may actually place it on even more precarious legal footing than the Arkansas Works waiver. For example, while DHS suggests that beneficiaries will be marked as “on track” or “not on track” (and thus in need of PDP services) based on a variety of factors, it does not include any explicit exemptions for key populations such as caregivers caring for elderly family members, individuals who are physically or mentally unfit for employment, individuals participating in substance abuse programs, pregnant women, those already meeting a work requirement in another welfare program, and more.⁴⁶ In fact, DHS clearly states, “There are no exemptions to participation.”⁴⁷

The absence of any real exemptions for certain categories of individuals or for good cause makes the amendment more likely—not less likely—to face a legal challenge. Opponents of the amendment could make the argument that the absence of any explicit exemptions lumps all enrollees together, failing to distinguish between the unique circumstances of, for example, a childless 30-year-old and a single parent of a three-year-old. These individuals would be left to, in part, the subjective analysis of success coaches.

The exclusion of any such exemptions is a testament to the waiver’s legal vulnerability, not its legal resiliency.

7. The proposed waiver amendment requires the continued use of Arkansas’s failed “private option” approach to Obamacare Medicaid expansion.

Finally, the proposed waiver amendment predicates the continuation of Arkansas’s Medicaid expansion program on its “private option” approach, whereby most expansion enrollees are placed in costly QHPs rather than through conventional Medicaid. This model would be required to continue because, based on our reading of the plain language of the proposal, enrollees would lose their QHP if they fail to comply with their PDPs. This mechanism could not exist without the continuation of the failed QHP model, as there would be no ability to take it away.

The private option approach has a myriad of negative effects, including substantially higher taxpayer costs than traditional expansion.⁴⁸⁻⁴⁹ (In fact, the substantially higher costs of the private option approach raise serious doubts as to whether the waiver request meets budget neutrality requirements.) The private option has also caused individuals with higher risk scores to destabilize Arkansas’s private insurance market, contributing to a rise in individual market premiums and a decline in competition.⁵⁰

One of the key selling points of the private option approach was that it would enable providers to benefit from Medicaid enrollees being placed in QHPs that have higher commercial reimbursement rates relative to conventional Medicaid reimbursement rates, helping to prevent financial shortfalls—particularly among hospitals. This has not occurred. Several Arkansas hospitals have closed since the private option was implemented, while others have posted staggering financial losses, in stark contrast to the claims that hospitals would flourish, and new hospital jobs would be added.⁵¹⁻⁵²⁻⁵³⁻⁵⁴⁻⁵⁵

In fact, between 2013 and 2021, Medicaid shortfalls at Arkansas hospitals increased by 92 percent, driven by a 52 percent increase in Medicaid costs but only a 35 percent increase in Medicaid revenues.⁵⁶

Abandoning the private option approach—as every other state that has tried it has already done—should be a key part of any waiver or waiver amendment, and Arkansas should certainly not build a new “work requirement-like” system that requires the continuation of this failed model.

The proposed waiver amendment is a pathway to more government dependency, not prosperity

Arkansas has a unique opportunity to bring back a real work requirement for its Obamacare Medicaid expansion program, coupled with other reforms to achieve cost savings and help individuals move from welfare to work. 

Already, several states—including Indiana and Ohio—are actively pursuing work requirements that set minimum hours of work activity with meaningful penalties for noncompliance.⁵⁷⁻⁵⁸ In fact, Indiana’s approach would follow the legally resilient path of removing the expansion population from the state’s Medicaid plan and reintroducing it with a firm work requirement via a waiver.⁵⁹

As noted, Georgia has already implemented a work requirement for countless able-bodied adults on its Medicaid program and had the courage to do so under the Biden administration, ultimately prevailing in a legal challenge.⁶⁰⁻⁶¹

As a result, Arkansas is already at unnecessary risk of being left behind by these other states if it does not seek a real Medicaid work requirement and other reforms that are consistent with Governor Sanders’s vision—a truly shocking and concerning development, considering that Arkansas was previously the national leader on this issue under Governor Asa Hutchinson.

DHS should amend its waiver request to reflect the changes and revisions described in this comment in order to secure a legitimate and legally sound Medicaid work requirement. In so doing, DHS can put Arkansans on a path to independence, protect taxpayers, and create a significantly more sustainable and healthier Medicaid program for those who truly need it.

endnotes

  1. Ibid.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Nicholas Horton and Jonathan Bain, “The Truth About Arkansas’ Medicaid work requirement reporting requirements,” Foundation for Government Accountability (2019), https://thefga.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/The-Truth-About-Arkansas-Medicaid-Work-Requirements-DRAFT5.pdf.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid.
  6. Ibid.
  7. Hayden Dublois and Nicholas Horton, “Getting Back to Work: How Arkansas Can Lead the Nation in Medicaid Reform Once Again,” Opportunity Arkansas (2024), https://www.opportunityarkansas.org/report/getting-back-to-work-how-arkansas-can-lead-the-nation-in-medicaid-reform-once-again/.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Opportunity Arkansas X post, (2025), https://x.com/OppArkansas/status/1896372309168103603.
  10. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  11. Tim Groseclose and Jeffrey Milyo, “A Measure of Media Bias,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics (2005), https://timgroseclose.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/MediaBias.pdf.
  12. Open Secrets, “Urban Institute,” Open Secrets (2025), https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs//totals?id=D000030709&cycle=2024.
  13. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Kaiser Family Foundation, “Medicaid Waiver Tracker: Approved and Pending Section 1115 Waivers by State,” Kaiser Family Foundation (2025), https://www.kff.org/report-section/section-1115-waiver-tracker-work-requirements/.
  17. Utah Department of Health, “Per Capita Cap,” State of Utah (2019), https://www.medicaid.gov/Medicaid-CHIP-Program-Information/By-Topics/Waivers/1115/downloads/ut/ut-per-capita-cap-pa.pdf.
  18. Ibid.
  19. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Abbreviated Public Notice For Proposed Amendment to Medicaid Section 1115 Demonstration Project, Arkansas Health and Opportunity for Me (ARHOME),” State of Arkansas (2025), https://humanservices.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/1-31-25Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_Abbreviated_Public_Notice.pdf.
  20. Ibid.
  21. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Abbreviated Public Notice For Proposed Amendment to Medicaid Section 1115 Demonstration Project, Arkansas Health and Opportunity for Me (ARHOME),” State of Arkansas (2025), https://humanservices.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/1-31-25Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_Abbreviated_Public_Notice.pdf.
  22. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  23. Ibid.
  24. Ibid.
  25. Data retrieved from CMS-64 reports for Q4 2023, annualized.
  26. Author’s calculations based on savings relative to CMS-64 reports.
  27. Nicholas Horton and Victoria Eardley, “Arkansas’ Medicaid Work Requirement Was Working,” Foundation for Government Accountability (2019), https://thefga.org/research/arkansas-medicaid-work-requirement/.
  28. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  29. Ibid.
  30. Author’s calculations based on a similar rate of disenrollments (when nearly identical work requirements were imposed in other welfare programs) applied to Arkansas’s current Medicaid expansion population and per member per year spending.
  31. Hayden Dublois and Nicholas Horton, “Getting Back to Work: How Arkansas Can Lead the Nation in Medicaid Reform Once Again,” Opportunity Arkansas (2024), https://www.opportunityarkansas.org/report/getting-back-to-work-how-arkansas-can-lead-the-nation-in-medicaid-reform-once-again/.
  32. Arkansas Center for Health Improvement, “Arkansas Works Updates,” ACHI (2018), https://achi.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Arkansas-Works-Updates.pdf#:~:text=Seema%20Verma%20announced%20approval%20of%20the%20waiver,hand%2Ddelivered%20a%20waiver%20approval%20to%20a%20state.
  33. Gresham v. Azar, 363 F. Supp. 3d 165 (D. D.C. 2019).
  34. Ibid.
  35. Gresham v. Azar, 950 F. 3d 93 (D.C. Cir. 2020).
  36. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  37. Gresham v. Azar, 950 F. 3d 93 (D.C. Cir. 2020).
  38. Georgia v. Lasure, No. 2:22-CV-6, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 149167 (S.D. Ga. Aug. 19, 2022).
  39. Ibid.
  40. Ibid.
  41. Retrieved from a public records request submitted by the author to DHS.
  42. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “Arkansas State Plan Amendment 13-15 MM1,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2013), https://www.medicaid.gov/State-resource-center/Medicaid-State-Plan-Amendments/Downloads/AR/AR-13-15-MM1.pdf.
  43. Retrieved from a public records request submitted by the author to DHS.
  44. Ibid.
  45. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “Frequently Asked Questions on Exchanges, Market Reforms, and Medicaid,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2012), https://www.cms.gov/cciio/resources/files/downloads/exchanges-faqs-12-10-2012.pdf.
  46. Arkansas Department of Human Services, “Request to Amend the ARHOME Section 1115 Demonstration Project,” State of Arkansas (2025), https://governor.arkansas.gov/wp-content/uploads/Pathway-to-Prosperity-1115-Waiver-Amendment_DHS-Final_1.28.2025.pdf.
  47. Ibid.
  48. Hayden Dublois and Nicholas Horton, “The Medicaid Monster: What is Fact vs. Fiction?” Opportunity Arkansas (2024), https://www.opportunityarkansas.org/report/the-medicaid-monster/.
  49. Jonathan Ingram, “Arkansas’s so-called conservative approach to ObamaCare expansion has failed,” Foundation for Government Accountability (2020), https://thefga.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Arkansas-so-called-conservative-approach-to-ObamaCare-expansion-has-failed.pdf.
  50. Ibid.
  51. Nicholas Horton, “No, Arkansas’ Obamacare Expansion Isn’t Saving Taxpayers Money,” Townhall (2016), https://townhall.com/columnists/nicholashorton/2016/02/21/no-arkansas-obamacare-expansion-isnt-saving-taxpayers-money-n2122597.
  52. Matthew Mershon, “North Metro Medical Center in Jacksonville shuts down,” KATV (2019), https://katv.com/news/local/north-metro-medical-center-in-jacksonville-shuts-down.
  53. Carolyn Roy, “De Queen Medical Center set to close next week,” KTAL (2019), https://www.ktalnews.com/news/local-news/de-queen-medical-center-set-to-close-next-week/.
  54. WMC, “Crittenden Regional Hospital to close, employees feel blind-sided,” WMC (2014), https://www.actionnews5.com/story/26362321/crittenden-regional-hospital-to-close-permanently/.
  55. Mark Friedman, “Baptist Health Reports $20.9M Operating Loss,” Arkansas Business (2019), https://www.arkansasbusiness.com/article/baptist-health-reports-209m-operating-loss/.
  56. Author’s calculations based on data files retrieved by the Foundation for Government Accountability, which were provided by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services on hospital-level revenue and cost reports.
  57. Shay Frank, “Ohio once again aims to add work requirements to Medicaid,” WOSU (2025), https://www.wosu.org/2025-01-28/ohio-once-again-aims-to-add-work-requirements-to-medicaid.
  58. Indiana General Assembly, “Senate Bill 2,” State of Indiana (2025), https://iga.in.gov/legislative/2025/bills.
  59. Ibid.
  60. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, “Georgia Pathways to Coverage,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2025), https://www.medicaid.gov/medicaid/section-1115-demo/demonstration-and-waiver-list/81441
  61. Georgia v. Lasure, No. 2:22-CV-6, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 149167 (S.D. Ga. Aug. 19, 2022).
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